Stephanie Harzewski, "The Limits of Defamiliarization: Sex and the City as Late Heterosexuality" (page 4 of 4)
Sex and the City's unapologetic taxonomy of sex about town,
full of style and humor, frequently served as a vehicle for the
reconsolidation of heterosexual norms. Samantha in season 1 offers
something close to a Naomi Wolf–type critique of the beauty
industry when she states that we reside in a culture that promotes its
impossible standards, yet season 5 reveals her as no stranger to Botox
and depicts her chemical peel's scorched aftereffect. Carrie appraises
her two-minute foray into bisexuality as a "game" that she "was too old
to play," presenting this sexual orientation as not quite adult, after
Samantha, calling it a "layover on the way to gaytown," thus dismisses
it as a geographically undesirable dead-end ("Boy, Girl, Boy, Girl,"
episode 34).
To return once again to the pilot episode, when Carrie's voice-over
welcomes us to the "age of un-innocence" she attempts to prepare the
viewer for its nudity and adult content, as well as the series'
revisiting of Edith Wharton's preoccupation with women on the market.
Yet, the legacy of Sex and the City has taught us that more
sexual positions do not always make for better sex or sustained audience
engagement. Its humor and effervescence ironically leave the feminist
critic face-to-face with a more serious methodological issue. Is the "Is
this all feeling" the feminist media critic may feel toward the series
itself symptomatic of a moment within her discipline? To what extent is
this "age of un-innocence" also a methodological one? Watching the show
and reading existing commentary on it may indeed leave the feminist
scholar with a vague morning-after effect. The luxe surfaces, like a
dexterous conference paper, produce pleasure in the audience but don't
really shake things up in any substantial way. This pleasure in the
stylishness of sexual representation in feminist media studies can seem
transient. Indeed, feminist theory risks running too close to the
fashion pages of the average women's magazine, offering a knowing
self-reflexivity along with the latest styles to bolster its glossy
surfaces, but lacking sufficient critique.
Maybe the real un-innocence is that such critique has come to feel
too strident and unplayful. Late heterosexuality's emphasis on style
dovetails with postfeminism's move away from the more polemical,
humorless aspects of the second wave. Just as Charlotte's 1950s image of
marriage and home is out of date, so too is the dismantling hierarchies
trend, but unlike the former this is not necessarily something to
celebrate.
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Endnotes
1. Portions of this essay were originally presented at the Second
Annual Cultural Studies Association Conference at Northeastern
University on May 8, 2004. [Return to text]
2. To note an analogous real-life case, Philadelphia wedding planner
Mark Kingsdorf who runs the Queen of Hearts Wedding Consultants alleges
to have found an increased market among men who want a romantic way to
propose but need guidance and anxiety assuaged. The process usually
begins with an hour-long interview for Kingsdorf, possessed with what he
playfully dubs, an "all-around clear eye for the straight guy," to learn
about the client and his soon-to-be fiancé in order to proceed with
proposal strategy and logistics (Melamed 116). [Return to text]
3. Concurrent media phenomena such as reality TV and Internet
matchmaking are evidence of the rising standards for straight
attractiveness. Shows such as Extreme Makeover and The
Swan employ full-fledged surgical methods, while Queer Eye for
the Straight Guy's "Fab Five" act as image consultants commissioned
to upgrade and polish self-volunteered subjects. Cyberdating agencies
offer for a fee "professional" profile consultation to daters seeking to
spruce up their online image. E-Cyrano.com, founded by Evan Marc Katz, a
screenwriter and veteran online dater, will compose someone's personal
profile in his or her own voice after a lengthy interview (Egan 69). [Return to text]
4. I do not mean to imply that such models are new but instead
increasingly prominent. According to the psychologist and marital choice
theoretician Bernard Murstein, the "exchange model of interpersonal
transactions," articulated by sociologists Thibaut and Kelly, Homans,
and Blau, applies some elementary economic concepts—rewards,
costs, assets, liabilities—to maintain that individuals attempt to
make social interaction as profitable as possible (108-9). [Return to text]
5. For example, in her analysis of the early history of the
"commodification of romance," Illouz draws on a diverse sample of texts
from 1900 to the 1930s to investigate not only the role that the
cultural motive of romance played in the construction of consumer mass
markets, but also how romantic ritual incorporated economic practices of
the market (11, 25). [Return to text]
6. Though Kipnis focuses her analysis on marriage, conceptualized
metaphorically as a "domestic factory," I wish to appropriate her larger
point that the rhetoric of the factory has noticeably filtered into the
language of love (19). [Return to text]
7. Samantha's perspective on hetero-exchange seems to have grown
narrower from her appraisal of the sexes as "equal opportunity
exploiters" in season 1. Here, though, her assertion echoes those of
sought-after dating coaches such as Myreah Moore, dubbed the "Diva of
Dating," who advocates a "Pair and Spare" philosophy of dating at least
three men at once. [Return to text]
8. See also Illouz who maintains that romantic love both links and
condenses the contradictions in late capitalist culture: Romance has
become entwined not only with "the pleasures, images, and dreams of the
sphere of consumption," but also with "the economic rationality of
entrepreneurial capitalism" (11, 188). [Return to text]
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