Dylan Rodríguez,
"'I Would Wish Death on You...' Race, Gender, and Immigration in the Globality of the U.S. Prison Regime"
(page 2 of 9)
In what follows, my primary theoretical concern is with the location
and operation of the U.S. prison regime within the material and cultural
production of American globality, by which I mean the process and
modality of state power that works and mobilizes in ways distinct from
(though largely in concert with) American "globalization" and
neoliberalism. Globality, conceptualized as an ongoing reconfiguration,
imagination, and institutional prototyping of dominance, is animated by
a genealogy of racial and civilizational confrontation, which
posits the compulsory historical progression of global white supremacy:
in excess of nationalist/imperialist ambition, capitalist expansion and
hegemony, and righteous war, globality is a coercive articulation of the
nature and institutionality of "good" power itself, the production of a
geography of biopolitical dominance that is not sufficiently covered by
common scholarly or activist cartographies of American empire.
In this sense, American globality speaks to the contemporary
production of U.S. state and state-sanctioned technologies of human and
ecological domination—most frequently formed through overlapping and
symbiotic institutional practices of profound bodily violence, including
genocidal and protogenocidal warmaking, racist and white supremacist
institutionalized violence, and mass-scaled imprisonment—while
analytically emphasizing the capacity of these forms of domination to be
discretely mobilized, institutionally indexed, and materially invoked
across political geographies, including by governments and states
that are formally autonomous of the United States. This formation of
dominance is composed by the U.S. state's conceptualizations and
articulations of its own power (here, through the regime of the prison),
as well as by the immediate usefulness and essential
accessibility of these conceptualizations and articulations of
power to—and frequently, their overbearing structural and political
influence on—other state formations and local hegemonies (e.g.,
the U.S. prison regime as a "universal" blueprinting of how "good"
states ought to work). American globality is simultaneously 1) a
vernacular of institutional power; 2) an active and accessible
iteration of violent human domination as the cohering of
sociality (and civil society) writ large; and 3) a grammar
of pragmatic immediacy (in fact, urgency) that orders and influences
statecraft across various sites of jurisdiction and influence. It is in
the sense that American globality forms a lexicon (the
principles governing the organization of a vocabulary) of U.S.
statecraft in its disciplined and distended global productions.
I am suggesting that the lived surfaces, institutional productions,
coercive practices, and global statecraft of carceral violence compose a
crucial theoretical and pragmatic problem for opponents of U.S. global
hegemony as well as progressive, abolitionist, feminist, and antiracist
critics of the putatively localized U.S. prison industrial complex. More
polemically, I am positing that conventional symptomatic
treatments of "violence in prison" as episodes of institutional excess,
"bad policy," bungled protocol, unconstitutionality, or
illegality—vis-à-vis a critical focusing on specific imprisonment
policies (e.g. immigration detention policy) and/or particularized case
studies of state organized and state sanctioned brutality, torture, and
abuse (e.g. episodes of sexual violence in women's and men's
prisons)—only scratch the surface of a more substantial and
comprehensive conceptualization of carceral violence.
On the one hand, this means that we must consider the complex
formation of "the state" through the dynamics of its public
intellectual, popular cultural, and knowledge producing apparatuses—how
is "The Prison" a modality (and not just a reified product or
outcome) of American statecraft in the current political moment,
particularly as it crystallizes multiple abstractions and (juridical)
metaphors of state power and legitimated violence at a rather discrete
(though still often metaphorized and abstracted) institutional site? On
the other hand, we must also ask what it would mean to theoretically
center a complex conception of carceral violence—at the dynamic and
uneven intersections of neoliberal globalization, white supremacist
patriarchy, and what Ruth Wilson Gilmore has called the essential white
supremacist violence of American nationalism's reactionary "restorative
tendencies"[4]—as the animating force of U.S. globality in its
various forms.
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