Since my first encounter with a correctional facility more than twenty years ago, I have made numerous visits and spent thousands of hours in prisons and jails throughout the United States. As a personal visitor, a social worker developing programs, a researcher conducting studies, a prison and jail monitor and an invited guest of prison administration, my experiences have been diverse. Over the years, I have witnessed many changes.

The county jail that I toured most recently was far cleaner and appeared to be more orderly run than the site of my first correctional facility visit, a big city jail. The county jail was more family—and community—oriented, and program staff seemed genuinely interested in enhancing the post-release success of the prisoners who were housed there. In addition to vocational training, college courses, and religious programs, the jail had domestic violence prevention services, parenting classes and women's support groups. The special visiting program for women and their young children, a rarity in jails years ago and a practice that is still scarce, was a source of pride. The program administrator indicated that he also wanted to develop programs for women returning home and their children, and he lamented the fact that it was very difficult to get participation from community agencies and academic institutions.

While there were clearly differences between this particular jail and the one I first visited many years ago, some things remained the same. Most of the persons incarcerated were male. The majority were African American or Latino and many were quite young. Jail data indicated that many had substance abuse problems, were poor at the time of their arrest, and needed education, job training, and job connections if they were to be successful upon release. Similar to national statistics, the majority were parents of dependent children.

The focus on security surrounding prison visits that was so visible to me at the big city jail was even more striking at the county jail. The conditions in the county jail's regular visiting room were, in effect, harsher, more severe, and rather unusual. Instead of seating that would allow for quiet conversations, the chairs designated for visitors were located in rows several feet away and across from those designated for the prisoners they were visiting. At best, conversations between prisoners and their visitors were "open mike" since all around could hear what was being said. At worst, the din of noise created by the necessity of talking loudly made it nearly impossible to be understood. Staff explained that the seating arrangement was recent and was for "security" purposes. It no doubt served that purpose. For me, however, it was a powerful and poignant reminder of the many humiliating and humbling aspects involved in maintaining family and friendship ties during incarceration.

Observations from my most recent tour have been at the forefront of my thoughts in preparing this introduction. The importance of security in any correctional setting and the need for family-oriented principles to help guide decision-making loom large. Such principles would assure safety and security while also providing for more humane visiting environments, reasonable telephone rates, and other measures responsive to parents' and children's needs. I am not certain of specific strategies to bring about such a cultural shift, but see extensive involvement of community leaders and organizations concerned with children and families as critical. Indeed, a roundtable discussion with colleagues following the tour affirmed the importance of public education about the issues as we saw them, and community engagement to help make our system of justice both different and better.

In many ways this issue of The Scholar & Feminist Online involves the type of knowledge dissemination and scholarship endorsed by the roundtable participants. It provides a forum for enhancing understanding of family dynamics and issues involved in criminal justice processing. The issues of children whose parents are incarcerated are seldom the focus of scholarly inquiries, public discourse, or social policies. Yet, the number of these children is huge and steadily growing. At any given time, millions of children have a parent in prison or jail; millions more have had a parent incarcerated at some point during their childhood, and millions grow up while their parents are in prison.

Although intended as individual punishment, incarceration is a family matter. Involvement in the criminal justice system affects not only individuals but also can be devastating for their children and families and their broader community. Notwithstanding the fact that some parents were absent or not parenting in the most responsible way at the time of their arrest, parental incarceration creates disruptions in children's daily lives. Numerous children must move to other homes when their parents are sent away, often facing great challenges and risks throughout the process. National statistics indicate, for example, that 40% of mothers in prison and 15% of fathers were their child or children's sole caregiver prior to incarceration. Other children, though able to remain in the same home, may be emotionally or financially deprived of the care previously provided by the now absent parent. Even parents who did not live in the same home with their children often contributed to their care.

Research on parenting during and after incarceration and children's responses to having an incarcerated parent is not extensive. The studies that have been conducted usually point to negative consequences for prisoners' children. Problems noted include emotional difficulties, disobedience and acting out, and engagement in delinquent behavior. More so than other children, they also experience problems in school, including suspensions and grade failure. Research and professional observations generally indicate that children do better when they are able to maintain relationships with their incarcerated parents and participate in extended family networks; their caregivers maintain a stable and caring home environment; and they are able to talk about what is happening to them and to their parents in a safe place. They also fare better when they are viewed as normal children with special challenges, rather than as potential risks for becoming "just like their fathers or mothers."[1]

The Scholar & Feminist Online is an appropriate venue for critically examining, through multiple lenses, the topic of parental incarceration and children. The issues raised by incarceration and the justice system's impact on women's caregiver roles are feminist issues, and a feminist perspective and examination can contribute not only to new understandings of these issues, but can also result in progressive action. Rarely acknowledged, incarceration in the United States is very much a women's issue. Women make up only about 7% of the prison population, but the recent rate of increase has exceeded that for men.[2] In addition, the nature of women's involvement in crime is more complex and more extensive than it was years ago. The majority of women arrested and sentenced are parents of dependent children for whom they had some responsibility prior to incarceration. Women are often the primary caregivers for the children of imprisoned fathers as well as mothers. They make up the majority of prison visitors, and provide the homes to which male and female prisoners return. As mothers, sisters, aunts, wives, lovers, and friends, they are often male and female prisoners' and former prisoners' primary sources of emotional support and concrete help. The rules of engagement that govern prison life and the return home are forces that shape their daily lives as women and their families' and communities' well-being.

The personal stories, professional narratives, pictures, and scholarly analyses conveyed in this issue offer a perspective and foundation not typically found in academic journals. The authors are women who have had firsthand experiences and been on the front lines in criminal justice processing and programming. They provide a look into the world of children and families affected by incarceration, as witnessed by women who have been working for years to make the family aspects of incarceration an important and visible component of public policies and social programs. Their stories, backgrounds, and talents are unique, as are their contributions to this volume.

The writing is direct and sometimes sobering in presenting the problems that parents and their children face, as well as the barriers to healthy families posed by bureaucratic and arbitrary social policies and administrative practices. Just as important, the chapters tell the stories of resilient families; provide real world examples of programs and services that help fathers, mothers and children; and describe institutional efforts that have been launched to bring about social reform and change.

Part 1, "Making Children Visible: Telling Stories, Safeguarding Rights", focuses on children's stories and children's rights. Nell Bernstein places children's needs and experiences within a policy context. She outlines fundamental policy changes that can be implemented to protect and support children from the time of a parent's arrest to his or her release from prison and return home. Carrie Levy, Venezia Michalsen and Megan Sullivan address children's experiences with a father's incarceration. Levy depicts that experience in family photos journaling her father's absence and return home from prison. Sullivan's interview with noted author asha bandele centers on bandele's experiences in communicating with her imprisoned husband, first as a spouse and later as the mother of a young child. In Clarissa's Disappointment, Sullivan tells the story of a nine-year-old girl who is coping with her father's return home from prison. Michalsen's booklist provides resources that parents and professionals can use to help children and families who are dealing with parental incarceration. The Bill of Rights for Children of Incarcerated Parents, produced by the San Francisco Children of Incarcerated Parents Project, outlines a set of goals to assure children's safety, security and well-being when their parents violate the law.

Part 2,"Assessing the Problem: Essays and Recommendations", provides data and personal reflections on the nature and scope of the impact of incarceration on children and families. Stacey Bouchet provides statistical data on parents in prison and their children, describes barriers to the maintenance of family connections during incarceration, and offers policy and program recommendations for change. Michalsen's study of one hundred formerly incarcerated women concludes that while mothers' love for and attachment to their children is strong, much more is needed to protect children and assure their safety and well-being. Dee Ann Newell reflects on the bureaucratic challenges she faced in providing services to imprisoned women who were pregnant or had recently given birth. The landmark policy recommendations presented by Newell and Ann Adalist-Estrin are drawn from the Council on State Governments' report and support those presented by both Bouchet and Bernstein.

Part 3, "Best Practices: Sampling Programs and Practices that Work", describes programs and services that are currently being offered to serve parents and children affected by incarceration. Denise Johnston provides an overview of problems that are often attributed to children whose parents are involved with the law. She attributes many of these problems to other forces, such as poverty and parental substance use. The articles by Johnston and Angie Vachio describe family strengthening programs and practices that serve parents both while they are in prison and when they return home. Johnston's photos of mothers in prison and their children highlight the significance of programs for parents. They also serve as a reminder of the human side of criminal justice processing, and as a compelling end note for this issue of The Scholar & Feminist Online.

Endnotes

1. For a review of the research and statistics see the following two reports I published with the Annie E. Casey Foundation: "Focus on Children with Incarcerated Parents: An Overview of the Research Literature," October 2007; and "Kinship Care When Parents are Incarcerated: What We Know, What We Can Do", May 2009. [Return to text]

2. Sabol, W., West, Heather and Cooper, Matthew (December 2009, NCJ228417) Prisoners in 2008. Washington, D.C. Bureau of Justice Statistics. [Return to text]