Wherefore Art Thou Feminisms? Feminist Activism, Academic
Feminisms, and Women's Sports Advocacy
Despite women's dramatic surge in athletic participation and
achievement during the last three decades, feminists generally have not
seen sport as a major theater for gender politics and cultural
transformation. Indeed, it is fair to say that the historical alliances
between feminist activists, university-based feminists, and
community-based advocates for women's sports have been periodic and
spotty. We argue here that there is much to learn about the relevance
and irrelevance of feminisms for women athletes and their advocates.
This essay examines some intersections between several types of feminism
and women's sports movements within a general historical framework. We
also examine the current relevance of feminism for women's sports
advocacy within a case study of a network of community-based programs
that use sports and exercise to enhance the lives of urban girls in
Boston, Massachusetts. Particular attention is paid to the fit between
feminisms and the fates of girls of color.
The current cultural visibility and celebration of women athletes is
rather remarkable when you jump backward three decades or so to around
1970. Kathy Switzer had to write "K. Switzer" on the entry form for the
1967 Boston Marathon because women were not allowed to run. During the
race male judges tried to physically pull her off the street, but with
the help of other runners, she finished the race. It took a United
States Supreme Court decision in the early 1970s to allow an 11-year-old
girl to play Little League baseball with her neighborhood friends.
Women's athletic abilities were unrecognized or ridiculed by the
dominant culture when in 1973 tennis star Billie Jean King punctured a
big hole in patriarchal presumption by defeating braggart Bobby Riggs in
the nationally televised "Battle of the Sexes" at the Houston
Astrodome.
In the 1971-72 school year, just 1 in 27 high school girls
participated in a high school sport, compared to 1 in 3 girls during
2002-03.[1]
Intercollegiate sports was a man's world in the early
1970s, swollen with male privilege and patriarchal values, supported by
male-dominated athletic administrations, booster clubs, and alumni
organizations, and buoyed up by a rapidly growing televised sports
industry. At the same time, athletic scholarships for college women were
almost nonexistent during the 70s, but they increased markedly during
the 1980s. But even by academic year 1995-96, female athletes and their
families received $142,622,803 less in scholarship awards than their
male athlete counterparts.[2]
Women were marginalized participants
in the Olympic Games of the 1970s, and women's professional sports had
yet to come on the scene. Today U.S. women win Olympic medals in numbers
comparable to their male counterparts, and women's events like figure
skating, gymnastics, and soccer generate television audiences few media
moguls would have dreamed of before the late 1980s.
It is doubtful that this rapid transformation of women's interest and
participation in sports could have occurred without Title IX. Congress
enacted Title IX in 1972 in order to stop discrimination in any program
or activity receiving federal financial
assistance.[3] The
male-dominated National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) unfurled
a massive lobbying campaign against the implementation of Title IX
during the 1970s. The forces against gender equity in sports later got a
legal boost in 1984 from the Grove City v. Bell case, which limited
Title IX's ban on gender discrimination to specific programs, rather
than entire institutions that received federal funds. However, Congress
reinvigorated Title IX with the passage of the Civil Rights Restoration
Act in 1989. The legal and social forces seeking gender equity in sports
gathered momentum, and girls' and women's participation rates climbed.
The struggles between gender equity advocates and opponents of Title IX
remain active to this day.[4]
Women of color also participated in the growth of women's sports in
the United States. They are especially visible in sports like
basketball, tennis, and track and field. The number of female
intercollegiate athletes of color increased from 2,137 in 1971 to 22,541
in 2000.[5] While
female athletes of color received less than
$200,000 in scholarship funds in 1971, they garnered $82 million in
1999.[6] Despite
these indicators of achievement and progress,
however, it is also true that many girls and women of color have been
left behind in women's historic sprint forward in sport. High school
sports, for example, typically thrive in affluent, predominantly white
school districts and wither in poor urban and rural areas, where
percentages of students of color tend to be higher. Socioeconomic status
exerts powerful influence on who wants to play and who gets to play. The
merging of class and racial inequalities is also evident in the
clustering of athletes of color in certain sports but not others.
Whereas female athletes of color were overrepresented in college sports
like badminton, bowling, basketball, track-outdoor, and track-indoor,
they were highly underrepresented in the next 20 most popular college
sports (like softball, gymnastics, golf, rowing, soccer,
swimming/diving, ice hockey).[7]
It is these larger patterns of
racial stereotyping and disparate economic impacts on populations of
color that produce much of the underrepresentation of females of color.
Swimming pools, equine training facilities, country club tennis courts,
and affordable rents for hockey practices are difficult to find in poor
and working-class communities. Even if poor girls of color do develop an
interest in sports, many do not have the personal, familial, or
school-based resources to help them pursue their interests. With sports,
like other valuable opportunities in the United States, many are called
but few can afford the price of admission.
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