Mary Pat Brady,
"The Homoerotics of Immigration Control"
(page 6 of 7)
Similarly, the heterosexual rape fantasy implicit to the images of
threatening men seeking entry to a nation gendered female reinscribes
the importance of homosociality to national management. If, as Craig
Smith argues, homosocial bonding establishes "domination and structures
masculinity," then it is a fairly useful tool for nation-building.
Perhaps for this reason men populate the majority of images of migrants
in the popular press. Women are much less likely to be represented as
actually crossing, entering, penetrating, borders. When shown, women
are more often depicted as abjected mothers. But of course the
homosociality suggested here is an uneven one—fractured by race and
inequality.
The object of the rape fantasy is important here as well. The nation
as woman is also the family as homeland and property. While it might
be easy to understand that queer desire offers alternative venues for
desire, intimacy, and consumption, and thereby poses a challenge to the
normative heterosexual family structure, it is less easy to see why
immigrants might be seen to threaten that structure—or why they should
be narrated as such. As Calavita points out, immigrants came to be the
symbolic release valve for a political economy that no longer needed the
nuclear family structure with its patriarchal single-bread winner.
They took the blame for policies that had rendered vulnerable every type
of household but the wealthiest.
It doesn't actually matter to the nativist agenda then how
family-friendly Latinos "really are" or claim to be. Jacqui Alexander's
insights are helpful here. She points out that "family values"
campaigns signal that the "ideological dominance of heterosexuality" is
endangered.[24]
Homophobia and nativism come together around "family
values" and reveal the ongoing project of the state to manage sexuality,
to educate desire and consumption, to restrict the targets of its
largesse. But they also reveal paradoxically, that "family values" mean
Anglo hegemony. That said, we can indeed see how a neoliberal narrative
of rights has been harnessed to much of the discourse about both
homosexuality and immigration. Both are narrated as "choices" and hence
as moral acts. As Alexander notes, this process defines status as
conduct and then makes that conduct into a propensity for criminality.
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