Carol Mason and
Jeanne Flavin,
"Beyond Carrots and Sticks: Effective Public Education and Feminist Research in Conservative States"
(page 4 of 4)
Of course, the work in Oklahoma is not done. As we write this essay,
Oklahoman reproductive rights activists continue to protest and educate
the public about these and other laws that treat women as if they are
too stupid to understand the consequences of their reproductive
decisions. These measures include: requiring a woman seeking an abortion
to have an ultrasound within an hour of the procedure and have its
findings explained to her; requiring women to fill out a lengthy
questionnaire and have this information recorded on a publicly
accessible state website; and banning lawsuits against doctors who
withhold information that could cause a woman to seek an abortion.
Oklahoma Governor Brad Henry recently vetoed a bill that would have
banned insurance companies from covering abortion and requiring women to
purchase separate and special abortion insurance before a pregnancy
occurs, thereby separating abortion—a usually exceedingly simple
operation that can eliminate many life-threatening medical
problems—categorically from health care.[14]
In the struggle for reproductive justice, documenting the application
of carrots and sticks, as Goodwin does so capably, is important, but it
cannot be an endpoint of analysis or action. The struggle requires
education, advocacy, activism, and research. Especially now. As
institutions of higher education implode on the west coast and as the
economic downturn depletes jobs on the east coast, the "flyover" parts
of America are going to see an influx of feminist scholars.
Universities and colleges in middle America have unprecedented
opportunities to hire newly minted PhDs from coastal
schools, which in turn may go a long way to addressing regional
stereotypes. This also may tip the scales in historically conservative schools
and more evenly distribute progressively minded faculty across the U.S.
As feminist scholars who are working on reproductive justice issues, we
need to be cognizant of this shift and its potential. Now more than ever
we may have the critical mass of feminist faculty, hence the
opportunity, to train students in research methods that are
intersectional and interdisciplinary. Promoting well-designed empirical
and qualitative research, and theorizing dynamics of power based on
insights that such research yields, can dovetail significantly with
local and national organizing. And our students will respond. In
addition to the public education forums that made current medical and
social research available to policymakers and media concerned about the
Hernandez case, for example, Oklahoma students have been inspired to do
their own research. A group of Oklahoma State University and University
of Oklahoma undergraduates have teamed up to translate their own absurd
experiences with abstinence-only sex education and CPCs into data that
can be used to demonstrate their ineffectual and often deleterious
consequences for young women.[15]
Public education, collaborative research, and insightful feminist
theory are as crucial to the legal and moral victories that have been
recently won in red states as is the mobilizing of grassroots women's
health activists, women in recovery, local healthcare providers,
political action committees, and state policymakers. All are needed to
shift the emphasis from a punitive, criminal justice approach (the
stick), to a general-welfare-promoting public health approach (the
carrot) that addresses the problems of pregnancy, parenting, and drug
use. This requires that punitive laws and ill-conceived prosecutions be
challenged. But this shift is not the full scope of the change that
needs to occur. If the criminalization and regulation of women's
reproductive decisions are to be stopped, the impetus must come from the
women and communities most affected by them. These communities have
been poorly served by health care policies based on outdated ideas and
educational models based on fear and loathing. From our experiences in
Oklahoma, however, resistance from communities can be overcome by
presenting them with factual, evidence-based research. It is our time to
offset or counter the scare tactics, stigmatizing attitudes, and
punitive policies with scholarship, public education, and outreach.
Important allies and potential allies in the struggle for reproductive
justice exist everywhere, "even" and especially in the red states.
Endnotes
1. We prefer to avoid the term "pregnant addicts"
or "crack addicts" given that most women who use drugs—and most men,
too, for that matter—are not addicted to them. Also, referring to
people as "addicts" or ("the disabled" or "the elderly") encourages us
to define people by one particular feature of their
lives. [Return to text]
2. "Discipline and punish" is a reference to the
work of Michel Foucault, who argued that the modern impetus to encourage
self-discipline is no less fraught with power dynamics than is
old-fashioned punishment. [Return to text]
3. National Advocates for Pregnant Women, 2010.
Data file is on file with Jeanne Flavin. [Return to text]
4. Rachel K. Jones, Mia R.S. Zolna, Stanley K.
Henshaw and Lawrence B. Finer, "Abortion in the United States: Incidence
and Access to Services, 2005," Perspectives on Sexual and
Reproductive Health 40 (2008): 6-16. [Return to text]
5. Ibid. [Return to text]
6. U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on
Government Reforms - Minority Staff,
"False and Misleading
Health Information Provided by Federally Funded Pregnancy Resource
Centers" (PDF), July 2006. [Return to text]
7. Sources attesting to these claims include:
Oklahoma Women's Almanac, Oklahoma State Department of Health,
Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation, and Oklahoma Department of
Mental Health and Substance Abuse. [Return to text]
8. See Bob Darcy and Jennifer F. Paustenbaugh,
Oklahoma Women's Almanac (Stillwater, OK: OPSA Press, 2006), for
statistics and national rankings of Oklahoma's divorce rate, teen birth
rate, and STD rates. [Return to text]
9. In addition to being faculty at Oklahoma State
University (Stillwater) and Fordham University (Bronx, NY) respectively,
we are both board members of National Advocates for Pregnant Women,
based in New York City. We also grew up in conservative areas, Carol in
West Virginia and Jeanne in rural Kansas. [Return to text]
10. To make this point to the local community,
Tulsa physician William Yarborough, the medical director of the internal
medicines clinic at University of Oklahoma College of Medicine-Tulsa and
medical director of a local rehab clinic, teamed up with Dr. Barry
Lester, who directs the Brown University Center for the Study of
Children at Risk to write a letter to the editor of the
Oklahoman. They wrote that "no credible evidence links
methamphetamine use during pregnancy with stillbirth" and that
sentencing Hernandez was "a travesty that flies in the face of the past
25 years of scientific research." William Yarborough and Barry Lester,
"The Real Crime," The Oklahoman 3 January 2008. See also Barry
M. Lester,
"Prenatal
Drug Exposure & Child Outcome: Time for Policy to Catch up with
Research," presentation presented at the "Women, Pregnancy, and Drug
Use: Medical Facts, Practical Responses and the Well-Being of Children
and Families" forum at the Presbyterian Health Foundation Conference
Center in Oklahoma City. [Return to text]
11. Timothy W. Lineberry and J. Michael Bostwick,
"Methamphetamine Abuse: A Perfect Storm of Complications," Mayo
Clinic Proceedings 81.1(2006): 77-84. [Return to text]
12. Whitner v. South Carolina 492 S.E.2d
777 (S.C. 1997). Many charges and convictions of child abuse and
neglect, drug distribution, and manslaughter that are leveled against
pregnant women have been dropped on the grounds that the legislation was
never written with the intent that it be applied to the context of
pregnancy. For example, the court in Ward v. State held that it
is impossible for a fetus to "possess" the drugs since a fetus would not
be capable of handling, manipulating or using drugs. Ward v.
State 184 S.W.3d 874, 876 (Tex. App. 2006). See also Reinesto
894 P.2d at 736-7; and other cases cited in State v. Martinez,
brief of Amici Curiae Sutin, Thayer & Browne, P.C. et al. "In Support of
Respondent." Part of this discussion was previously published in Jeanne
Flavin and Lynn Paltrow, "Punishing Pregnant Drug-Using Women: Defying
Law, Medicine and Common Sense," Journal of Addictive Diseases
29.2 (2010): 231-244. [Return to text]
13. Johnson v. State, 602 So. 2d 1288,
1297 (Fla. 1992). [Return to text]
14. According to an article in the Tulsa
World, it was the fourth veto this session that Henry used on an
abortion measure. The other three vetoes have been
overridden. [Return to text]
15. Oklahoma students credit attending Hampshire
College's Civil Liberties and Public Policy (CLPP) annual conference on
reproductive justice as a source of inspiration. Taking the CLLP conference
as a model but adapting it to local needs, Oklahoma students and faculty
created a regional workshop, "Interdisciplinary Perspectives on
Reproductive and Sexual Health," on January 21, 2011 at Oklahoma State
University in Stillwater and are planning another conference for
February 2012 at the University of Oklahoma in Norman. See
the Oklahoma
State University Gender and Women's Studies website and contact
Oklahomans for
Reproductive Justice for more information. [Return to text]
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