Jessica Hoffmann,
"Unmooring to Connect: Holistic Feminisms"
(page 7 of 8)
White/class-privileged cultures in the U.S. (cultures I am intimately
familiar with) are particularly atomized/individualistic and
intellectual-to-the-exclusion-of-other-forms-of-knowing. That these
cultures predominate in mainstream/liberal/progressive feminism is a
fundamental limitation of those feminisms.
It's a sort of farce to be playing at wanting to end violence against
women in a single-issue vacuum or see women achieve "balance" between
professional work, mothering, and "personal time" within a materially
rich atomized, hetero-normative nuclear family while glaciers are
melting, entire cultures are being submerged, and the very economic
system that is providing a few people large homes in which to try and
achieve this "balance" is, in its rapacious need for endless growth and
focus on short-term individual profit without regard for
"externalities," the cause of those disasters.
The idea is not to dismiss any given feminist concern or project,
it's to ask, "Can we address these things at the roots, and with
everyone in mind? Can we end violence against all women without
increasing violence against poor people and people of color of all
genders? Can we create work/life balance for everyone? Can everyone have
decent food and a home?"
What do feminisms that aim that broad and wide and deep look like? I
was fortunate enough to glimpse one set of possibilities in a community
built over the course of a weekend at the Pachamama Skillshare in Joshua
Tree. tk (tanya karakashian) tunchez is describing another part of this
course in the New Mythos Tour. Projects like this are drawing on
legacies of paradigm-challenging feminisms, and they are happening all
over the place, right now.
Feminisms that aim to create profoundly different ways of living in
which everyone has food and shelter and housing—these are
feminisms that are rooted in a sense of
community/collectivity/interconnectedness, and also feminisms that are
clear about how hierarchical and individualistic systems like capitalism
work and uninterested in climbing up their ladders (the steps of which
are others' backs). Their goals are not always "measurable" or
"winnable" or even easy to describe in the terms of dominant U.S.
culture. And so they are written off as "idealistic" or "utopian"
impossibilities. But to really envision and experiment with profoundly
different ways of sharing power and resources, we have to be okay with
getting outside the measurable and the supposedly strategic.
I don't know if white/assimilationist/mainstream/liberal feminists
are simply poisoned by their own privilege in a way that prevents them
from perceiving beyond dominant paradigms, or if their motivations are
more insidiously and consciously selfish/violent than that, but they
have deeply internalized the supporting myths of capitalism and other
dominant systems of power. They talk about "strategy" as a way of
silencing radical voices, insisting that it is most strategic to employ
simplistic messages that do not threaten or challenge people who are
attached to dominant narratives. They say it's strategic to use sound
bytes and "frames" the same way commercial advertisers use them, where
"feminism" and "social justice" are products like any others. They are
lured, consumer-style, by the possibility of campaign "wins" that
provide immediate gratification, but never substantive transformation.
In this kind of feminism, when a friend of mine was pushed quickly
out of her low-paid and long-term staff position at a prominent feminist
non-profit after an internal power struggle, she was offered by the
board a choice between severance pay and freedom to speak publicly about
what had happened. She walked away broke, without even all of her
accrued vacation pay from vacations she never felt she had time to take
during the years she was busting her ass for the organization, and when
one of the organization's founders challenged the board that had pushed
her out to acknowledge how unethical their behavior was from a
labor-justice perspective, they responded only by reiterating that what
they'd done was perfectly legal in the state they were operating in and
refused to see the connection between feminism and fair treatment of
workers.
Precisely because they are not threatening to dominant institutions
and speak in the same language as those institutions,
liberal/assimilationist feminisms will inevitably be the most visible,
the most "successful," versions of feminism within dominant culture as
long as these institutions exist.
In a talk in L.A. a few years ago, the prison abolitionist—and author
of foundational intersectional feminist texts like Women, Race, and
Class—Angela Davis spoke about "how capitalism constitutes our
intimate lives, our dreams ... forces us to dream as individuals, to
dream for ourselves, maybe for our families." She asked, "Why can't we
dream for our communities? Why can't we dream beyond the nation?"[7]
In Rebecca Solnit's new book, A Paradise Built in Hell, she
documents how various U.S. communities have formed cooperative,
non-money-based social systems in the wake of devastating disasters over
the past century. She counters with a mass of evidence the dominant,
power-serving argument that selfishness and mayhem are the "human
nature" revealed in moments of social stripping bare, talking about the
"privatization of desire and imagination" that happens within, and helps
shore up, capitalism.[8]
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