Premilla Nadasen,
"'Tell Dem Slavery Done': Domestic Workers United and Transnational Feminism"
(page 3 of 3)
Members of DWU speak confidently about the value of the work they do.
They argue that without the labor of the estimated two hundred thousand
domestic workers in New York City, the economy will grind to a halt:
stockbrokers, lawyers, doctors, secretaries, professors, and politicians
would be unable to go to work, enjoy leisure time, or complete some of
the tasks necessary for day-to-day household maintenance. Domestic
workers' daily chores of cooking, cleaning, and caring for children give
most professionals the ability and peace of mind to carry out their
responsibilities. Domestic workers are, according to DWU, the "invisible
backbone" of New York City's economy. They know there is dignity in the
work they do, and they insist on being treated with a corresponding
amount of respect.
DWU has fostered innovative organizing campaigns. Traditional labor
strategies such as strikes are not a viable option because of the
multitude of employers, who generally only hire one employee, and the
ease with which employees can be replaced. Because the vast majority of
workers are employed in isolated settings, the workplace is not an
effective site for organizing. DWU has utilized pioneering labor
strategies, holding public "shaming" demonstrations to embarrass abusive
employers, sponsoring testimonials, creating support groups for isolated
workers, and pushing for protective legislation.[7]
As they build their
movement, DWU organizers—housekeepers and nannies with their charges in
tow—converge on the playgrounds of this global city. Some of them use
their precious days off to assist in the mobilization effort. They carry
buttons, brochures, and flyers, and sit down to chat with other domestic
workers about the kinds of work conditions and exploitative situations
they have experienced—and, more importantly, to talk about what they,
collectively, can do about it.
The current New York State bill of rights is one proposal designed to
address the circumstances surrounding the occupation. It calls for paid
vacations and holidays, paid sick leave, advance notice of termination,
severance pay, overtime pay, either healthcare coverage or a wage
supplement to pay for medical needs, regular cost of living increases,
and up to twelve weeks of family and medical leave. While many of these
demands will simply bring domestic work in accordance with the basic
labor rights afforded to most other workers, other demands take into
account the specific characteristics of an occupation in which employees
are frequently let go and often expected to work well beyond the
standard eight hour day. The legislation is being watched by cities and
states around the country. It is a model that could transform domestic
work, bringing much-needed respect and recognition to an occupation that
is a foundation for so much other work that gets done.
Endnotes
1. A longer version of this article appears in
New Social Movements in the African Diaspora: Challenging Global
Apartheid, ed. Leith Mullings (New York: Palgrave MacMillan,
2009). [Return to text]
2. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Issei, Nisei, War
Bride: Three Generations of Japanese American Women in Domestic
Service (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); David
Katzman, Seven Days a Week: Women and Domestic Service in
Industrializing America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978);
Mary Romero, Maid in the U.S.A. (New York: Routledge, 1992);
Elizabeth Clark-Lewis, Living In, Living Out: African American
Domestics and the Great Migration (New York: Kodansha America,
1996); Bonnie Thornton Dill, Across the Boundaries of Race and Class:
An Exploration of the Relationship Between Work and Family Among Black
Female Domestic Servants (New York: Garland,
1993). [Return to text]
3. Judith Rollins, Between Women: Domestics and
their Employers (Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
1985). [Return to text]
4. Peggie Smith, "Organizing the Unorganizable:
Private Paid Household Workers and Approaches to Employee
Representation," North Carolina Law Review 79 (2000): 45-110;
Phyllis Palmer, "Outside the Law: Agricultural and Domestic Workers
Under the Fair Labor Standards Act," Journal of Policy History 7
(1995): 416-40. [Return to text]
5. Global Woman: Nannies, Maids and Sex Workers
in the New Economy, eds. Arlie Russell Hochschild and Barbara
Ehrenreich (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004); Monisha Das Gupta,
Unruly Immigrants: Rights Activism, and Transnational South Asian
Politics in the United States (Durham, NC: Duke University Press,
2007): Chapter 6; Grace Chang, Disposable Domestics (Urbana, IL:
South End Press, 2000); Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, Domestica:
Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the Shadows of Influence
(Berkeley: University of California Press,
2001). [Return to text]
6. Rhacel Salazar Parreñas, Servants of
Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work (Palo Alto, CA:
Stanford University Press, 2001). [Return to text]
7. Eileen Boris and Premilla Nadasen, "Domestic
Workers Organize!" Working USA: The Journal of Labor and Society
11 (2008): 413-437; Monisha Das Gupta, "Housework, Feminism, and Labor
Activism: Lessons from Domestic Workers in New York," Signs: A
Journal of Women in Culture and Society 33 (2008): 532-37;
Hondagneu-Sotelo, Domestica. [Return to text]
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