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Issue: 7.3: Summer 2009
Guest Edited by Kate Bedford and Janet R. Jakobsen
Toward a Vision of Sexual and Economic Justice

Anna Marie Smith, "Sex Scandals, 'Responsible Fatherhood' and the 2008 Election Campaign: When 'Sex Talk' Trumps Race and Class"
(page 4 of 7)

It may appear that President Obama escaped the 2008 campaign relatively unharmed. But this is not entirely true: as an African-American male, he was subjected to an extraordinary degree of moral scrutiny. The Obama marriage and Michelle Obama, in particular, were subjected to merciless scrutiny and disparaging attacks.

In response, we could ask, first, the "Gary Hart question."[6] If an emerging leader like Obama must be safely ensconced within a monogamous heterosexual marriage with a properly subordinated loyal spouse in order to be taken seriously on the public stage, then how many highly talented and worthy individuals will be unjustly disqualified from running for office? And how do race and gender intensify this sort of exclusionary moral "vetting"? Why does the Obama marriage have to pass a much more demanding test than the McCain marriage? So what if the Obamas fist bumped[7]; can you imagine if they kissed on stage like the Gores[8] did in 2000? How many mediocre white males are going to pass the political leadership test by default, for the reason that simply having dark skin, or simply bearing a non-Anglo-Saxon name, or simply being female[9] is to be already morally suspect?

Second, we need to remember the subtle ways in which race, gender, and sexuality work together outside the terrain of an explicit scandal itself. As Donna Brazile[10] rightly pointed out, the McCain campaign certainly chose carefully when it launched its ad that attacked Sen. Obama as a mere celebrity. The ad placed the images of this middle-aged black family man next to two white young single women known for their unsavory conduct (Paris Hilton and Britney Spears).[11] If the point was simply to brand Obama as a young upstart lacking intellectual depth and experience, why not compare him to Denzel Washington or Bono?

In fact, President Obama is forced to work in a political environment deeply poisoned by sexualized racist hatred. In 2006, Rep. Harold Ford (D-TN), an African-American Democrat with a centrist voting record and a strong foothold in his state and within the Party elite, campaigned for the Tennessee Senate seat that came open after the Republican Senate Majority Leader, Bill Frist, announced his retirement. Ford had been re-elected four times and had garnered, on average, 80 percent of the votes cast in his district. During the 2006 Senate campaign, the opinion polls suggested that Ford was doing so well in contesting this Republican seat that the race had become too close to call. However, the Republican National Committee ran an attack ad against Ford. Working on an extremely slender factual basis, the ad features a male character who claims that Ford took funds from the producers of pornography; in reality, Ford, who had cast several votes in opposition to gay rights and abortion, had joined 3,000 other guests at a massive football party in 2005 sponsored by Playboy, the mildly pornographic men's magazine. More important, the ad also features a clip with a heavily made-up young woman with blonde hair and a low-cut dress. She poses in a sexually provocative manner, declares with evident pleasure that she met Ford at a Playboy party, and then beckons directly to Ford, "Harold, call me."[12] Ford's Republican opponent, Bob Corker, described the ad as "distasteful" and claimed that he asked the Republican National Committee to take it off the air. The highly respected civil rights organization, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), denounced the ad. William Cohen, a former Secretary of Defense and Senator (R-MA) from the Republican Party, described the ad as a "very serious appeal to a racist sentiment."[13] The smear tactic of linking an attractive black family man to a young blonde woman remobilizes the old racist beliefs about black men's voracious sexual appetite and their predatory interest in sexually assaulting white women.

Corker edged out Ford by three percent in the November 2006 election. Although many whites did vote for Ford, they did not do so in large enough proportions, and the state of Tennessee has a majority white electorate. It is not clear that it was the attack ad itself that made the difference; the rumors about Ford's financial dealings were also featured in the post-election commentary.[14] However, the notorious campaign ad was widely circulated, not only across Tennessee but also throughout the entire country.

It is not only black candidates who become the targets of racialized sexual smear tactics in presidential campaigns. Any Democrat who is successfully typecast as excessively "liberal" is in danger of being associated with rapacious black masculinity. During the 1988 election season, Governor Michael Dukakis from Massachusetts was the Democrats' Presidential nominee. Dukakis, a white man of Greek-American descent, was subjected to an attack ad in which he was blamed for the conduct of William Horton.[15] (The ad was produced by a political action committee associated with the Republican Party.) Dubbed "Willie" by the ad, Horton had been serving his custodial sentence in the state penitentiary for murder. With Dukakis's permission, Horton was released on furlough—and ended up committing rape and assault during his temporary release. Already tagged as a liberal northeasterner by the Republicans, Dukakis was relentlessly linked to Horton's crimes. The Republican candidate, George H.W. Bush, denounced Dukakis as a "card carrying member of the ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union)," and highlighted Dukakis's opposition to capital punishment. For the many white voters still influenced by the nation's deeply engrained sexual-racial script, the implications were devastating: a Dukakis administration would be much too permissive on crime. It would take its orders from the radical wing of the civil rights movement, and it would usher in the much feared return to the excessive racial egalitarianism of the 1960s. The return of black power would mean the emasculation of the white man and the endangerment of white women. Dukakis lost to Bush in a landslide.

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© 2009 Barnard Center for Research on Women | S&F Online - Issue 7.3: Summer 2009 - Toward a Vision of Sexual and Economic Justice