Dee Ann Newell,
"Childbirth in an American Prison"
(page 2 of 4)
I moved from New York to Little Rock, Arkansas, my hometown, and in
1993, I volunteered to teach parenting classes to incarcerated women in
my state's prison. In 1998, I was asked by the warden to develop a
prenatal/post-partum class for the increasing number of pregnant women
in the prison, whereupon I requested the inclusion of women who had
delivered within the last year. From 1998 until 2004, I participated in
a community group of pregnant and post-delivery incarcerated women for
an hour and a half each week, fifty weeks a year.
We shared everything except the truly impressive portions of
carbohydrates and grease that were delivered on plastic trays during our
lunchtime class. The laughter and humor they shared regarding the food
was endearing, but the food was maddeningly unhealthy, especially given
their pregnant condition. Equally frustrating was the fact that some of
the pregnant mothers who had just entered the prison did not receive
any prenatal vitamins for weeks or months. Most startling was
the absence of a folic acid supplement, proven critical to the health of
both the mother and child. As most of the women suffered from
addiction, an illness that necessarily distracts one from attending to
one's own wellness, they had not been receiving prenatal services prior
to their arrest. This delay in receipt of either vitamins or folic acid,
compounded by the dangerous physical effects of the mother's trauma upon
incarceration, often worked to harm the unborn child.
Many of the prison's policies appeared to purposefully withhold any
pregnancy-specific accommodations until the last possible moment, and
often this was too late to have any real effect on the health or comfort
of either the mother or the child. For example, the policy of the
prison was not to provide an extra one-inch sleeping pad until the last
trimester, and often these were not forthcoming. Sleeping on a one-inch
pad was difficult and painful for most of the pregnant women. Sometimes
other women in the barracks would give up their only pad to the pregnant
women. I heard many stories of how other women would protect their
pregnant prison-mates.
As the first members began to deliver their babies, they were, in
many cases, appearing back in my prenatal class only two or three hours
after their deliveries. Cramping, exhausted, hormonally zigzagging, and
in great despair after being separated from their newborns, they still
came to the class. Not surprisingly, they required immediate comfort,
both emotional and physical (including massages), and desperately sought
the chance to describe their experiences. What they shared was difficult
to hear and had little in common with my own childbirth experiences, or
those I had witnessed years before as a Lamaze instructor.
Here were women living in the first-world at the end of the 20th
century, who were forbidden any free movement during labor. Instead,
they were handcuffed by one wrist, and the opposite ankle shackled. Iron
tools of restriction, restraint, and oppression do not belong in any
one's experience of childbirth. Although attachment theory is not solely
concerned with immediate contact at birth, most mothers have vivid
recollections of their first time holding their newborn, nursing them,
checking out all their parts and features. When incarcerated, some
states do not allow any contact between the mother and infant
after delivery; other states permit some time together, but the mother
is usually restrained, either by the wrist or the ankle, or in two-point
restraints.
After years of listening to my students' painful recollections of
this process, it is clear that none were allowed any semblance of a
positive, meaningful birth. Instead, their childbirths wounded them,
deepening their feelings of stigma and shame. Many of the mothers
expressed a sense of being further devalued, and felt their babies had
been devalued as well. Among the many questions raised here is one
addressing the philosophical and pragmatic goals that necessarily direct
the course of legal decision-making. When we ask a judge to weigh-in
during the sentencing stage of a case, what exactly are we asking of
him/her? More to the point: Are the sentencing judges also sentencing
these women to a traumatic, hostile childbirth—one that can only effect
negatively the health and well-being of both mother and child? When a
person is incarcerated, do they deserve to lose the humanity, health,
and dignity demanded by most at this stage in civilization? And should
those losses reverberate into future generations?
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